PASOK must give voice to the party base
The socialists’ regrouping should not be lost in endless discussions and committees, says Athens Mayor Haris Doukas
Those who argue that Haris Doukas is the person who can play a central role in the future of PASOK and the center-left justify their view by saying that “left-wing voters support him and right-wing voters are not afraid of him.” In this interview with Kathimerini, the mayor of Athens lays out a comprehensive political framework for the regrouping of PASOK through what he describes as a “participatory shock,” the immediate, en masse appeal to the base of the party. He also speaks broadly about the prospects of the center-left, thereby declaring that he is present in the developments on the central political stage.
Is there a center-left after last Sunday’s election result? Does it exist as a coherent political space that can be claimed, unified, and form an alternative, or has the majority of its voters definitively moved to other options?
The voters of the broader democratic space exist, they are a large number, and they are on standby. They expect sustainable initiatives and political moves that will lead to the reboot of the great democratic faction and the formation of a new alternative governance proposal for the country. They hope to come to the forefront again, and that the [political] compass will turn to the real problems, to solutions for the many and not the few. They hope for the rule of law, equality before the law and egalitarianism to function, and for creative forces to be given space. However, they will not wait indefinitely; time is running out. The country has no more time to wait. Two million voters have withdrawn from the ballot box over the past year. Overall, nearly one in two voters has not voted for years. Since the 2019 European elections, both New Democracy and SYRIZA have each lost 750,000 votes. Citizens seeking representation are shifting, trying out failed alternatives, or withdrawing in disappointment. These are people who feel that the political system does not listen to them, who do not see a political force out there which will understand their concerns and turn them into a political proposal.
Last Sunday’s elections recorded an electorate in pursuit [of an alternative] and with expectations, and a political system unable to shape a new, modern political proposal. In this environment of high expectations and low responsiveness from the political system, the great democratic faction must regroup. And this cannot be a promise for the future but a commitment for the present.
ND recorded a significant loss of strength, while the two largest opposition parties, SYRIZA and PASOK, failed to capitalize on this. What was the reason for that?
ND, after many years, suffered a significant loss. Over the past year, since the June elections, 1 million voters have turned their backs on the party. The losses are so large that they show the countdown has begun. It is a path of decline driven by its deeply conservative policies, its refusal to provide effective solutions to the high cost of living, its policies leading to widening social inequalities, and its arrogant style of governance. However, no progressive party managed to inspire and liberate the citizens from the clashing rocks of conservatism and populism. SYRIZA failed to meet its electoral target, registering a significant decrease in [absolute] votes and share of the vote. PASOK did not convince voters that it could be the solution. Compared to the [national] elections in June last year, it was down by 100,000 votes. It’s not just a defeat, or that another opportunity was lost. The worst part is that we are getting used to defeats. With excuses and wasting time, the space risks degenerating, and the “finally-do-something” call is coming from all directions.
There are many who believe that the cooperation in the second round of the municipal elections in Athens and your election could be a model for cooperation on the central political stage. Do you agree?
The cooperation in the municipal elections was based on a key element: the convergences we achieved in the neighborhoods, without colors and parties, only based on the problems that the citizens themselves raised. And this is the strength of our model. We formed an agenda with the real problems of the people, articulated specific proposals, and managed with this agenda to bring together progressive forces and citizens regardless of party preference. In other words, we managed to multiply rather than just accumulate forces.
Can each of the parties of the progressive space, of the center-left, claim a dominant role on its own, or is recomposition the only way?
‘The worst part is that we are getting used to defeats. With excuses and wasting time, the space risks degenerating, and the “finally-do-something” call is coming from all directions’
The recomposition of the broader democratic faction is now common ground. Last Sunday’s election result highlighted the gaps, delays, hesitations and inadequacies. In this effort of recomposition, no one is superfluous, even less so the people who have invested dreams and expectations in a new alternative governance proposal. PASOK can play a leading role in this process. However, last Sunday’s election result sent a clear and loud message: The recomposition of the democratic faction should not be lost again in endless discussions, committees, coordinating organs, and platforms. It cannot be sought behind closed doors, in top-down initiatives, and agreements between [party] apparatuses.
What will PASOK’s role be in this process?
Crucial and irreplaceable. Without PASOK, the effort to recompose the democratic faction cannot be successfully set in motion. For PASOK to be able to respond to its historical role, it first needs to regroup. It needs to rally its forces, close the cycle of successive defeats, and not open a new cycle of navel-gazing. To succeed, a participatory shock is needed. Our great weapon is the people. The only effective way out is to give voice to the base, otherwise the crisis will deepen and multiply. Our reboot must begin with an immediate, en masse appeal to our people.
What about your role? Will you participate if an electoral process is initiated in PASOK?
At this moment, the priority is to agree and carve out the roadmap of the changes that need to be immediately set in motion.
Stefanos Kasselakis and Nikos Androulakis each claim a leading role in the day after and in the necessary processes and initiatives for the recomposition of the space. Do you believe that one or both can serve this objective?
In the great challenge for the recomposition of the broader democratic faction, we cannot afford to leave anyone out. However, at this critical time, there is no room for discussions about roles, positions and personal agendas. Either we all agree that at this crucial time we will join this effort, or anyone who wants can remain entrenched in their corner, bound by personal ambitions and pursuits. Credits and leading roles are not self-assigned; they are granted by the public.
Who is involved in the discussion about the next day? What political forces and groupings?
It concerns everyone who believes that Greece needs to establish an alternative governance proposal with a progressive outlook, centered on people, capable of inspiring a society with high expectations and enabling people to live again, dream again, and demand again. A governance proposal for Greece that will innovate, create, and gain a role and voice in the challenging international environment that is unfolding. In this discussion, there is no place for the forces of conservatism and populism. The final formations need to emerge quickly and certainly not from party offices and consultations of [party] mechanisms. I belong to PASOK, a diverse movement that has proven that, with respect for the nuances of each force and each personality, it can play a decisive role in this effort. Whenever it moved in the opposite direction, isolating itself in futile maneuvering, it failed. We no longer have the luxury of failure.
The next national elections will take place in no more than three years. Is this time sufficient to shape a coherent and attractive political proposal vis-a-vis ND, which, though weakened, maintains an indisputable dominant role on the central political stage?
Our central slogan in the municipal election campaign was “Athens Now,” and we won. Then we fought in the Central Union of Municipalities with the slogan “Local Government Now” and managed, in a predetermined difficult landscape, to collect 30% of the votes. In the municipality, we proceed with the principle that what we can do now, we don’t leave for tomorrow, and we win critical battles. So I say that now we must start the effort of great reconstruction. We must now change whatever hinders this process. We must now shape a new political proposal. Any vacuum left by the progressive forces, as shown by elections across Europe, will be filled by forces that will take us years back.
Various ideas have been put forward in the public dialogue regarding bottom-up collaborations, high-level agreements, and the need for new leadership. What do you consider the appropriate roadmap and timeline?
I have expressed my strong opposition to closed high-level collaborations without the participation of the party base because they result in short-lived structures without prospects for change. I am a strong supporter of collaborations that start from the base and which provide a unique dynamic. However, every proposal is welcome and can be put on the discussion table. In any case, the process of recomposing the broader democratic faction must start now, and the roadmap should be characterized by three elements: no exclusions, democracy in decision making, and immediate participatory processes.
