The Romanovs and their relations with Greece
Kathimerini speaks with a descendant of the last Tsarist family of Russia, introduced to the Greek public at the funeral of Constantine II
She was introduced to the Greek public on the occasion of the funeral of the late king Constantine; her presence attracted media attention and was widely reported on social media. It seemed that most people did not even know that there are descendants of the last Tsarist family of Russia.
Speaking to Kathimerini, Grand Duchess Maria Vladimirovna, head of the Imperial House of Russia – the current title by which she introduces herself – touches on the historical ties of the House of Romanov with Greece and with the former Greek royal family, recounting personal moments of her family’s relationship with the late king Constantine II.
The historical bonds linking the House of Romanov with the lands inhabited by the Greeks go far back. How did the House of Romanov contribute to the liberation of the Greek people during the Greek War of Independence?
The Russian people adopted Christianity from Constantinople. From the very beginning of Russia’s founding as a state, the cultural ties between the Russian and Greek worlds were extremely strong and enduring. When Byzantium fell in the middle of the 15th century, Russia, which was then undergoing a period of growing power, political consolidation, and a restoration of its sovereignty, inherited the spiritual and historical legacy of the Roman and Byzantine empires. The Russian Orthodox monarchy took on the duty of protecting other Orthodox peoples who found themselves living under oppression. This duty was clearly apparent during the struggle of the Greek people for independence. The initial gathering of the forces that would lead the national liberation movement occurred in the Russian Empire, in Odesa. Many of the leaders of the Greek people gained experience in governmental and military service in Russia. Alexandros Ypsilantis, for example, was a general in the Russian army and an aide-de-camp to Emperor Alexander I. And Ioannis Kapodistrias served as minister of foreign affairs of the Russian Empire for six years.
Ultimately, it was Russia’s victory in the next war against the Ottoman Empire, the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-1829, and the signing of the Treaty of Adrianople that facilitated broad recognition of Greek autonomy, and later the acknowledgement of Greece’s full national independence, which received international recognition under the London Protocol of 1830, signed by representatives of Russia, Great Britain, and France.
Can you share with us any personal or family memories of the late king Constantine?
My father, Grand Duke Vladimir Kirillovich, and King Constantine II were friends. We often spoke when the king came to Spain. I remember fondly how he often visited our house with his wife, Queen Anne-Marie. And I have still the most wonderful memories of my conversations with King Constantine II’s mother, the Dowager Queen Frederica. I was struck by her wisdom, common sense, and vast knowledge about so many things. She had the brilliant gift of storytelling. I enjoyed listening to her reminiscences, her take on events of the day, and her deep philosophical thoughts. I have also developed very friendly relationships with King Constantine’s sisters, Queen Sofia of Spain and Princess Irene. Queen Sofia and King Juan-Carlos have always shown us their love and compassion, and gave our family their moral support. They shared our sorrows and joys. I used to attend, and very much admired, Princess Irene’s piano concerts in Madrid. I remember that she and I shared an interest in archaeology. In some years, during Passion Week, she would come with us to services at the Orthodox Church of Saints Andrew and Demetrius in Madrid, and then would fly to see her brother for Easter.
‘Queen Sofia and King Juan-Carlos have always shown us their love and compassion, and gave our family their moral support’
Returning to the personality of King Constantine II, I remember that, from my early years, I always regarded him as very kind and cheerful, and also very quick-witted. When King Constantine II, the future king Juan-Carlos I, and King Simeon II of Bulgaria visited us, they not only discussed important issues of the day, as one might expect, but also had fun joking among themselves. They treated me as if they were my older brothers, and I was always very happy when we had the opportunity to be together. Later we saw King Constantine II not as often as we did in the 1960s and early 1970s, but it was always an extremely warm occasion when we did. When my son, Grand Duke George Mikhailovich, was born in 1981, the king became his godfather.
In my heart I will forever hold dear my meeting in 2006 with King Constantine II and Queen Anne-Marie in my homeland, in St Petersburg, at the re-burial of Empress Maria Feodorovna, the mother of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearer Emperor Nicholas II, whose remains were being transferred from Denmark to our family’s mausoleum in the Cathedral of Saints Peter and Paul. It was a deeply symbolic and emotional gathering of relatives from several European dynasties at the grave of Empress Maria – she was the daughter of King Frederick IX of Denmark and sister of King George I of the Hellenes, who completely bonded with Russia, lived through Russia’s years both of greatness and of the terrible tragedy of revolution and civil war, lost two of her sons, a grandson and four granddaughters during the Bolshevik terror, died in exile, and now, finally, rests in peace in the Russian land next to her husband, Emperor Alexander III.
While I noted already the optimism and cheerfulness of King Constantine II, I must also add that he also suffered deeply from his separation from his homeland. He never wore his suffering on his sleeve, but it could be felt by everyone who talked with him. He yearned for Greece. He was always deeply concerned about events in his homeland, and he worked to help his fellow Greeks both inside Greece itself and among the diaspora in every way he could. He bequeathed this love for his country and his people to his children and grandchildren. I am very happy for him that, in the last years of his life, he was able to live again in his own country and be buried in his native land, next to his ancestors.
Many analysts acknowledge the importance of the royal houses of Europe and, in particular, their part in the national heritage of each state. What is the role of the monarchy in the modern era?
It would be absurd to deny that the political role of monarchy today has greatly decreased. Over the past century, many countries have abolished their monarchies; and where they have survived, the powers of the monarchs have been significantly reduced. However, this does not at all mean that the monarchical idea, and the worldview associated with it, became unnecessary and impractical. It’s just that now the functions of the institution of monarchy have moved over to the sociocultural sphere. Royal dynasties continue to participate actively in charities, in efforts to preserve the historical and cultural heritage of their countries, and in the protection of the environment. They are living symbols of the historical continuity of their nations. Even as they refrain from participating in politics they perform an important social role.
Inside their homelands, they contribute to national, religious, and civil peace and understanding. And on the international level, they contribute to peacekeeping efforts, support cultural links between nations, and “build bridges” in situations when official diplomacy cannot resolve some disputes. Royal houses, whether they have political power or not, always remain a “soft force,” an essential component of civil society.
How close is the relationship between the House of Romanov and the current Russian government, and does the House of Romanov influence its policies in any way?
Since the fall of the communist regime in 1991, our dynasty has enjoyed a mutually respectful relationship with the successive governments of Russia. Article 13 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, which guarantees ideological diversity, allows us to express freely our views and to defend publicly our beliefs. We can visit our homeland whenever we want and without any encumbrances. The Imperial House of Russia does not, as a matter of principle, involve itself in any form of politics. We are ready for dialogue with representatives of all political parties, except terrorist and extremist ones, but we cannot take sides with any political party, even ones that support ideas and values close to our own. We see our mission as not trying to influence the policies of the government or the opposition, but to remind all our countrymen of our shared traditional values, to find points of commonality and a shared patriotic foundation for cooperation among peoples of various views.
Over the past year, relations between Russia and Greece have notably deteriorated. Do you think that this diplomatic crisis is temporary?
I feel sure that the current international crisis will be overcome. It is unthinkable that the conflict between nations will deepen to the point that all of humanity would be threatened by a nuclear disaster. Throughout history, conflicts, even the most complex conflicts, were resolved when a compromise was reached. And we must not forget that a compromise is not a victory for one side or the other, but a solution that is acceptable to all sides. I pray earnestly that peace will again reign in the entire space that was once the Russian Empire. I hope that the politicians around the world today, despite all their different assessments of what is happening, have enough common sense, professional experience, and patience to prevent further the escalation of hostilities. I believe also that the historic and longstanding traditions of close relations between Greeks and Russians will not be forgotten and will serve useful ends today.
