SYRIZA’s political sideshow
Ilias Iliou, the parliamentary group representative for the United Democratic Left (EDA) party between 1958-1967 and a politician who was widely respected, even by his rivals, once quipped about the communists’ unique ability to turn a mundane procedure like a meeting into a process that needs to be suffered through.
The events in the last few weeks in main leftist opposition SYRIZA brought back to mind Iliou’s memorable adage. SYRIZA is not a communist party, of course. It emerged in 2010 from the split of Synaspismos and two years later rose in popularity to become the main opposition. Then, in January 2015, its then-leader, Alexis Tsipras, formed a politically unorthodox coalition government with the nationalist-populist Independent Greeks (ANEL) and its ex-leader, Panos Kammenos.
Tsipras and his associates did not have the time to reach political and organizational maturity, like socialist PASOK did before them under Andreas Papandreou, after spending six years in the opposition, which helped them become familiar with the political and administrative rules.
The essential thing is that, after SYRIZA’s revolutionary gymnastics in the first six months in power – which felt like a breath of “liberation” for some, while bringing others to the edge of despair – it underwent a complete reversal. A new bailout agreement was signed with Greece’s foreign creditors and its terms strictly implemented. The price Greece paid was heavy.
SYRIZA’s once rebellious followers reconciled with the need to adapt to the European rules. Only a populist could have achieved such a thing. What’s more, the party’s “historic compromise” staunched the rising popularity of the new Left in some European countries.
In addition, with the signing of the Prespa Agreement, which normalized Greece’s relations with North Macedonia, an open foreign policy front was closed, easing the concerns of the European Union, but especially those of Washington. It is also noteworthy that the ideologically unorthodox SYRIZA-ANEL coalition was never anti-American. Indeed, during Tsipras’ administration, talks began on the creation of an American base in Alexandroupoli in northern Greece. The Euro-Atlantic establishment was completely satisfied, as a critical “mission” was accomplished by a left-wing government. But after two consecutive defeats in national elections by the ruling conservatives under Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Tsipras stepped down.
Ever since, SYRIZA’s leadership has been a continuous drama for its voters and the butt of numerous jokes for its political opponents. Some new leader will eventually emerge, but nothing will be like before.
In the meantime, Mitsotakis is left without an opponent and a serious challenger, at the mercy of all kinds of problems, factional and otherwise. Some argue that despite all this, Greece is quite safe, since it is completely dependent economically on the EU and geostrategically on the United States. No government can act autonomously anymore. At the end of the day, though, these are all just musings: “Thoughts of a barren mind in a barren age.”
