Dangerous scenarios for the political stage

Democracy, like any human construct, has its problems. For example, it is particularly difficult for representative democracy to ensure, simultaneously, equal representation and government stability. An electoral system of proportional representation appears to be – and is, in fact – fairer but it inevitably leads to instability, uncertainty and, ultimately, its rejection. In order for it to work, many difficult conditions need to be met, which do not exist in the Greek political system: a culture of cooperation, consensus on basic principles, reduced opportunism. Proportional representation has another major drawback: it makes the entire political system hostage to extreme parties.

One way to ensure government stability is the majority bonus system (known in Greece as “reinforced proportionality”). Another way to avoid fragmentation of the political system is setting a threshold for entering Parliament, such as the current 3%. It is undeniable that the expression of the popular will is distorted in both cases, as the options available to citizens are artificially reduced, while their votes do not carry the same weight.

Is government stability worth it at this cost? Even if the answer is “yes,” we can only argue that there should be limits. That is, we can accept a majority bonus system up to the point that it does not blatantly violate the democratic principle. An electoral system that easily gives bonus seats and at the same time raises the entry threshold will greatly distort the principle of equal representation.

I understand the logic behind these suggestions. Our political system at the moment has a peculiarity that is very rarely found in Europe: A powerful party in a dominant position facing a fragmented opposition that ranges from the extreme right to the communist left. When the government’s popularity starts to shrink, as is the case with every government in Greece in its second term, disapproval will not direct voters to a party that offers an alternative, but will be spread among a large number of parties, which means that none of them can take advantage of it. 

Even worse, many – myself included – fear that these government losses will benefit the far right more than the center-left. With socialist PASOK seemingly trapped in introversion and leftist SYRIZA disintegrating, only the far-right is showing an upward momentum – it is not unlikely that it will significantly increase its already high percentages in the next national elections.

It is a fact that far-right parties are springing up like mushrooms because the demand for far-right policies is strong. But the lack of a charismatic, therefore dangerous, personality that can unify and lead those votes leads to the fragmentation of that political space into small parties, which are competition to neutralize each other. 

This split into many pieces provides an outlet for voters and minimizes the influence of the far-right. A high entry threshold would create incentives for cooperation in extreme political camps that are better off remaining fragmented.

So, any way you look at it, the prime minister did very well to discourage the relevant scenarios.

Aristides Hatzis is a professor of philosophy of law and theory of institutions at the University of Athens.