The Odyssey of Balkan revisionism
The book “Balkan Odyssey” is a firsthand account by former British foreign secretary David Owen, who along with former US secretary of state Cyrus Vance (a familiar figure among Greeks from the discussions on the Macedonia name dispute) led the 1992 effort under the secretary-general of the United Nations to address the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Thirty years ago, around this time, at the urging and decision of the late Greek president Karolos Papoulias, I had the opportunity to serve during the wars in Croatia, Bosnia, Bulgaria and in the (then) Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as a member of the European Union Monitor Mission (ECMM).
We witnessed massacres of civilians, genocide, the burning of churches, mass graves, and the destruction of cities (Vukovar). Our reports and testimonies were later examined by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). At that time, to cross from Croat-controlled Osijek into the territories under Yugoslav control, you had to undergo triple scrutiny. First, scrutiny by the Bosnian-Croat armed forces, the Croatian Defense Council (HVO), then the blue-helmeted United Nations (UNPROFOR) troops from Peru and Argentina (if I remember correctly). A few kilometers to the east, there was scrutiny by the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) and Arkan’s paramilitary forces.
I’m looking at a photograph of the destroyed water tower of Vukovar. I have kept as souvenirs two blackened pieces of wood, remnants from a burned Roman Catholic church and an Eastern Orthodox church, which I usually use in my speeches on the Balkans. Don’t ask which one burned first. It doesn’t matter today, just as it didn’t matter back then.
Except for a few inscriptions and the uniform memorials in the designated war cemeteries, today, nothing reminds the unsuspecting traveler of the brutality of war in the picturesque eastern Slavonia. The most haunting reminder persists: the genocide in Srebrenica. Let’s not confine our remembrance to just July 11. Beyond the recent decision of the General Assembly, it would be particularly meaningful this year for the European Union to apologize for its failure to prevent this genocide in Europe and to publicly seek forgiveness. Greece would have ample reason to lead the way.
I hold onto souvenirs – cartridges of various calibers. Most of my memories are from Kosovo, the Republic of North Macedonia, and, of course, Albania.
While the wounds of war, crimes, and the millions of refugees from the past three decades remain unhealed, signs of revanchism and revisionism are resurfacing with intensity. These, as the threat of Republika Srpska’s secession exemplifies, serve to advance the Kremlin’s expansionist revisionism – if they are not directly incited by it. This menace isn’t limited to Georgia and Ukraine; it now stands as the most significant security threat in Europe.
Western European governments are concerned. They are quietly making preparations, following Berlin’s lead, by establishing special “crisis management teams” in anticipation of the potential repercussions in Europe following a political transition in the White House after the presidential election on November 5. The prospect of Donald Trump’s return is unsettling. In our Balkan neighborhood, the potential return, particularly with an expanded role, of Richard Grenell, who previously served as Trump’s ambassador to Berlin, special presidential envoy for Serbia and Kosovo peace negotiations, and, at the same time, as acting director of National Intelligence, is generating optimism in Belgrade. Border changes combined with a territorial and population exchange with Kosovo were the unfulfilled plan persistently promoted by the White House at that time.
It would be misguided for our analysis to be swayed by emotions or one-sided «friendships.” Two brutal wars with thousands of civilian casualties have occurred near our region. If a new border rearrangement were to commence north of Greece, no one knows where it would stop, after how much bloodshed, or how. Undoubtedly, Bosnia and Herzegovina would be affected. What or who would be next in line? It’s worth noting that the proposal for border changes was openly advocated – each for their own motives – by former EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, and the then president of Kosovo, Hashim Thaci. It’s hardly surprising to see support from Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama. Conversely, the current prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, and former German chancellor Angela Merkel were opposed.
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, discussions about border revisions, as well as the violation or revision of bilateral or multilateral agreements and treaties concerning borders, essentially strengthen President Vladimir Putin’s disruptive plans regarding the European territorial status quo. Turkey has emerged as a precursor of revisionism in the broader region. In Tirana, Albanian nationalism is being wielded by Rama. Serbia is not the only country in the Balkans that believes its history and agreements, whether signed or imposed in the past, have been unjust. Today, the Republic of North Macedonia also appears to be reverting to the path of revisionism. This is the only way I can interpret the positions of its newly elected president. Will the new VMRO-Albanian coalition government follow suit?
In addition to the written activation of the measures outlined in Article 19 of the Prespa Agreement, the Greek government is entitled to bring to the attention of partners and allies in Washington and Brussels the perilous revisionism in the Balkans. This revisionism is bolstered, if not openly endorsed (mostly covertly however), by Russian diplomacy and politics. In the past, Greece was unfairly criticized for missing the forest in Skopje for the tree. This time, we are starting from the forest.
Alexandros P. Mallias is a former ambassador of Greece to Washington, Skopje and Tirana.
