Dominance and instability
In a poll by Metron Analysis published on December 22, there are some findings that are striking and, more importantly, highlight a core truth that may prove crucial in the future. The percentage of those who believe that the conservative Greek government is failing to deal with major social problems such as crime, corruption, inflation, natural disasters, taxation, public health, and education is big. It is above 60%, while in the first four aforementioned issues the percentage is around a whopping 70%.
To provide some context: Such negative percentages, the experts say, do not appear internationally except in cases when a government is on the retreat, and not, of course, when it has achieved such political dominance as that enjoyed by the government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis since been re-elected for a second term in office last summer.
In Greece, however, we are seeing the following paradox: On the one hand, the government secured 41% in the elections just six months ago; on the other, the vast majority of citizens disapprove of its work in vital areas, some of which do not depend on funding (as public health does) but on the will of a government (for example, corruption).
This suggests that the dominance of the current government is not that solid: It does not arise from a positive assessment of individual policies, it does not rest on a social majority that believes that these policies are appropriate, that they solve problems and take advantage of possibilities and opportunities for a better tomorrow. It is based on a perception that there is no one else who can govern today, who can provide the political system with a stability necessary for the functioning of the country. The two-party system has crumbled, those who wished for it to end saw their wish come true (be careful what you wish for), and in its place came the “dominant party.” It dominates because the other parties scare people.
And because other parties are weak, this dominant one governs arrogantly. Which means that instead of planning and organizing ways to tackle Greece’s big problems, it more often chooses to sidestep them and enjoy power by manipulating public opinion – successfully, thanks to Mitsotakis’ political strategist Stan Greenberg’s shrewd direction – in selected media and in the abundance of allowances.
The newest example? When the PISA tests showed that last year, after three years of government “reforms,” the performance of Greek school children in text comprehension, mathematics and physics is the worst in 10 years and among the worst in Europe, the government announced an emergency regulation for “free” universities.
Which is the objective here? The political dominance of a reforming force, which plans and directs the implementation of structural changes, strengthens and consolidates the stability of the system and bequeaths it to its next administrators. But the political dominance of an institution whose DNA cannot handle reform, which wastes time letting problems fester, may drag the stability that existed down with it, when it ceases to exist. It is a danger that lurks between the government’s dominance and the huge disapproval ratings of its policies.
